Guinea-Bissau
🇬🇼Republic of Guinea-Bissau
Guinea-Bissau defense profile covering coups, military politics, drug trafficking, fragile institutions, maritime routes, civil unrest, and source limits.
| Demographics | |
| Population, Total | 2.20M persons (2024) |
| Population Growth Rate | 2.21% (2024) |
| Urban Population Ratio | 46.11% (2024) |
| Working Age Population | 58.02% (2024) |
| Literacy Rate | 63.93% (2022) |
| Life Expectancy | 64.09 years (2023) |
| Defense | |
| Military Expenditure | 25.29M current US$ (2023) |
| Military Expenditure Ratio | 1.23 % of GDP (2023) |
| Military | |
| Military Branches | People's Revolutionary Armed Force (Forcas Armadas Revolucionarias do Povo or FARP): Army, Navy, Air Force Ministry of Internal Administration: National Guard (a gendarmerie force), Public Order Police, Border Police, Rapid Intervention Police, Maritime Police (2025) text (2025) |
| Military Service Age | 18 years (2025) |
| Active Military Personnel | estimated 4,000 active FARP (2025) count (2025) |
| Military Equipment Overview | the FARP is outfitted mostly with Soviet-era weapons and equipment (2025) text (2025) |
| Conscription System | 18 text (2025) |
| Economy | |
| GDP (Nominal) | 2.22B current US$ (2024) |
| GDP (PPP) | 6.87B current international $ (2024) |
| GDP Per Capita | 1,007.74 current US$ (2024) |
| GDP Growth Rate | 4.15% (2024) |
| Inflation Rate | 3.77% (2024) |
| Trade Balance | -335.24M current US$ (2024) |
| Industry | |
| Manufacturing Value Added | 193.03M current US$ (2024) |
| Industry GDP Ratio | 15.61 % of GDP (2024) |
| Manufacturing GDP Ratio | 8.7 % of GDP (2024) |
| Natural Resources | fish, timber, phosphates, bauxite, clay, granite, limestone, unexploited deposits of petroleum text |
| Technology | |
| Internet Penetration | 32.47% (2023) |
| Infrastructure | |
| Electricity Access | 40.50% (2023) |
| Logistics Performance Index | 2.6 index 1-5 (2022) |
| Total Area | 36,125 km² |
| Land Area | 28,120 km² |
| Water Area | 8,005 km² |
| Land Boundaries | 762 km |
| Coastline | 350 km |
| Irrigated Land | 250 km² (2012) |
| Merchant Marine | 20 count (2023) |
| Electricity Capacity | 29,000 kW (2023) |
| Electricity - Fossil Fuel | 96.50% (2023) |
| Electricity - Solar | 3.50% (2023) |
| Electricity Consumption | 79.8 kWh (2023) |
| Other Statistics | |
| Terrain | mostly low-lying coastal plain with a deeply indented estuarine coastline rising to savanna in east; numerous off-shore islands including the Arquipelago Dos Bijagos consisting of 18 main islands and many small islets text |
| Climate | tropical; generally hot and humid; monsoonal-type rainy season (June to November) with southwesterly winds; dry season (December to May) with northeasterly harmattan winds text |
| Natural Hazards | hot, dry, dusty harmattan haze may reduce visibility during dry season; brush fires text |
| Government Type | semi-presidential republic text |
| Capital | Bissau text |
| Legal System | mixed system of civil law, which incorporated Portuguese law at independence; influenced by Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), West African Economic and Monetary Union (UEMOA), African Francophone Public Law, and customary law text |
| Administrative Divisions | 9 text |
| Internet Country Code | .gw text |
Guinea-Bissau's security risk is driven by weak institutions, maritime exposure, and political instability.
Guinea-Bissau's Atlantic coast, islands, and limited state reach make maritime and logistics security important despite the country's small size. Weak institutions reduce the ability to police trafficking, elections, and military behavior consistently.
The result is a defense profile centered on fragility and governance, not large conventional warfare.
Political order has repeatedly been disrupted by coups, alleged coup plots, and struggles between elected institutions.
Guinea-Bissau has a long record of coups, attempted coups, and military-political intervention. This weakens civilian control and makes security-sector reform a core national-security issue.
When military actors become arbiters of political disputes, routine governance problems can escalate into constitutional crises.
Organized crime and narcotics trafficking exploit institutional weakness and maritime access.
Guinea-Bissau has long been cited in UN and governance reporting as vulnerable to drug trafficking and organized crime. These networks can corrupt officials, weaken justice institutions, and distort security priorities.
The country's drug trafficking and organized crime challenges are intertwined with transnational criminal networks, West African maritime routes, security-sector reform, and coup-risk dynamics.
Political instability affects citizens through unrest, limited emergency services, and weak justice capacity.
Political unrest and institutional fragility affect everyday security. Citizens and travelers face risks from crime, limited health and emergency services, and weak law-enforcement response.
A high-value profile should explain how repeated political disruption lowers public confidence and makes routine public safety more difficult.
Guinea-Bissau's security problem is the interaction of weak institutions, military politics, and transnational trafficking.
Guinea-Bissau is strategically important because weak institutions can become a conduit for trafficking and political instability. The country's defense profile is less about conventional warfare than about whether civilian authority can keep military politics and organized crime from capturing the state.
Small-state fragility can have regional consequences. When governance is weak, security-sector competition and illicit networks can matter as much as formal military capability.
Guinea-Bissau is best assessed through institutional fragility, with caution around opaque military and trafficking networks.
Open sources clearly document fragility, coup history, and organized-crime vulnerability. They are less reliable for precise trafficking volumes, factional alignments inside the armed forces, or the extent of official complicity.
Despite these uncertainties, security-sector politics remain central to Guinea-Bissau's defense profile.
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