Iraq
🇮🇶Republic of Iraq
Iraq military profile covering post-2003 force rebuilding, ISIS/Daesh, Popular Mobilization Forces, Kurdistan Peshmerga, NATO Mission Iraq, Iran, and assessment limits.


















| 装备 | 分类 | 数量 |
|---|---|---|
| Royal Iraqi Air Force Hawker Audax (Nisr) reconnaissance aircraft (opening-stock lower bound) Reviewed opening inventory (warclouds1936-equipment-v17; IRQ-Hawker-Audax-Nisr-1936-01-01) | — | 1 |
| Demographics | |
| Population, Total | 46.04M persons (2024) |
| Population Growth Rate | 2.12% (2024) |
| Urban Population Ratio | 69.89% (2024) |
| Working Age Population | 60.00% (2024) |
| Literacy Rate | 84.06% (2021) |
| Life Expectancy | 72.32 years (2023) |
| Defense | |
| Military Expenditure | 6.18B current US$ (2024) |
| Military Expenditure Ratio | 2.36 % of GDP (2024) |
| Military | |
| Military Branches | Ministry of Defense: Iraqi Army, Iraqi Navy, Iraqi Air Force Office of the Prime Minister: Iraqi Counterterrorism Service (CTS); Popular Mobilization Committee (PMC) Ministry of Interior: Federal Police Forces Command, Border Guard Forces Command, Federal Intelligence and Investigations Agency, Emergency Response Division, Facilities Protection Directorate, and Provincial Police; Ministry of Oil: Energy Police Directorate (2025) text (2025) |
| Military Service Age | 18 years (2025) |
| Active Military Personnel | estimated 200,000 active armed forces personnel under the Ministry of Defense (Army, Aviation Command, Air/Air Defense, Navy, Special Forces); approximately 20-25,000 National-Level Security Forces Ministry of Peshmerga: estimated 150,000 active personnel Popular Mobilization Forces: estimated 200,000 militia (2025) count (2025) |
| Military Equipment Overview | the Iraqi military's inventory includes a mix of European, Russian, Soviet-era, and US armaments (2025) text (2025) |
| Conscription System | 18 text (2025) |
| Economy | |
| GDP (Nominal) | 279.64B current US$ (2024) |
| GDP (PPP) | 665.97B current international $ (2024) |
| GDP Per Capita | 6,073.61 current US$ (2024) |
| GDP Growth Rate | -1.55% (2024) |
| Inflation Rate | -12.30% (2024) |
| Foreign Reserves | 100.69B current US$ (2024) |
| Trade Balance | 12.04B current US$ (2024) |
| Industry | |
| Manufacturing Value Added | 11.43B current US$ (2024) |
| Industry GDP Ratio | 51.57 % of GDP (2024) |
| Manufacturing GDP Ratio | 4.09 % of GDP (2024) |
| Natural Resources | petroleum, natural gas, phosphates, sulfur text |
| Natural Gas Production | 10.54 cubic meters (2023) |
| Technology | |
| R&D Spending Ratio | 0.04 % of GDP (2021) |
| Researchers Per Million | 164.28 per million (2021) |
| Patent Applications | 635 applications (2020) |
| Internet Penetration | 81.73% (2023) |
| Infrastructure | |
| Air Transport Passengers | 3.76M passengers (2023) |
| Electricity Access | 100.00% (2023) |
| Logistics Performance Index | 2.4 index 1-5 (2022) |
| Total Area | 438,317 km² |
| Land Area | 437,367 km² |
| Water Area | 950 km² |
| Land Boundaries | 3,809 km |
| Coastline | 58 km |
| Railway Length | 2,272 km (2014) |
| Irrigated Land | 35,250 km² (2012) |
| Merchant Marine | 74 count (2023) |
| Electricity Capacity | 31.34 kW (2023) |
| Electricity - Fossil Fuel | 98.80% (2023) |
| Electricity - Hydroelectric | 0.90% (2023) |
| Electricity - Solar | 0.30% (2023) |
| Electricity Consumption | 73.52 kWh (2023) |
| Other Statistics | |
| Terrain | mostly broad plains; reedy marshes along Iranian border in south with large flooded areas; mountains along borders with Iran and Turkey text |
| Climate | mostly desert; mild to cool winters with dry, hot, cloudless summers; northern mountainous regions along Iranian and Turkish borders experience cold winters with occasionally heavy snows that melt in early spring, sometimes causing extensive flooding in central and southern Iraq text |
| Natural Hazards | dust storms; sandstorms; floods text |
| Government Type | federal parliamentary republic text |
| Capital | Baghdad text |
| Legal System | mixed system of civil and Islamic law text |
| Administrative Divisions | 19 text |
| Internet Country Code | .iq text |
Iraq's security is shaped by state rebuilding, ISIS/Daesh, Iran, Kurdish autonomy, militias, and great-power military presence.
Iraq sits between Iran, Türkiye, Syria, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the Gulf, making it a core state in Middle Eastern security. Its modern defense problems are inseparable from the 2003 invasion, the collapse and rebuilding of security institutions, the ISIS/Daesh war, and continuing competition among domestic and foreign actors.
The country's strategic problem is sovereignty under pressure. Federal ministries, elite counterterrorism forces, Popular Mobilization Forces, Kurdish security structures, coalition advisers, and neighboring states all affect security outcomes.
Iraq's security environment is best understood as a complex ecosystem involving multiple state and non-state actors.
Iraq's security landscape includes federal armed forces, counterterrorism units, interior forces, PMF elements, and Kurdistan Region forces.
Iraq's defense and security forces include Ministry of Defense forces, counterterrorism capabilities, interior ministry elements, and other national security organizations. The Kurdistan Region also maintains Peshmerga forces with distinct political and command relationships.
Popular Mobilization Forces emerged as a major security actor during the anti-ISIS war and remain central to debates over state authority, militia integration, Iran-linked influence, and command accountability.
A high-value page should make these institutional layers visible because they determine how force is actually generated and controlled.
Iraq retains significant ground forces and counterterrorism experience, but faces sustainment, command, air-defense, and institutional-control challenges.
Iraq's strongest military experience comes from ground operations, counterterrorism, and urban warfare lessons from the ISIS/Daesh campaign. Elite units proved important in retaking major cities, while regular forces required rebuilding after earlier collapse.
Capability gaps include air defense, intelligence integration, logistics, maintenance, corruption control, militia-state relationships, and the ability to sustain national operations without heavy external support.
Modernization should therefore be judged by institutional depth and command cohesion, not just equipment totals.
Iraq works with NATO and coalition partners while balancing Iranian influence, Turkish operations, Syrian spillover, and internal political constraints.
NATO Mission Iraq is a non-combat advisory and capacity-building mission intended to help Iraq strengthen security institutions and prevent the return of ISIS/Daesh. It sits alongside other coalition, diplomatic, and bilateral security relationships.
Iraq also faces pressure from Iran-linked networks, Turkish security operations connected to Kurdish militants, Syrian instability, Gulf politics, and domestic debates over foreign troops.
Iraq must balance anti-ISIS operations with the political power of militia networks and coalition support.
Iraq's most capable security activity has often come from counterterrorism units and coalition-supported operations against ISIS, but those efforts sit alongside powerful militia networks and political bargaining over force control.
Iraqi security policy is shaped as much by who commands what as by how many personnel exist on paper.
Oil fields, highways, and border crossings are strategic assets tied to revenue, sovereignty, and insurgent movement.
Iraq's security environment includes protecting oil infrastructure, border crossings, highways, and trade corridors. Those sites matter because they fund the state and because insurgents or smugglers can exploit weak control.
Territorial security and fiscal security overlap in Iraq.
Iraq assessments should distinguish formal forces, militia influence, Kurdish forces, coalition support, and actual command authority.
Public data on Iraqi force size and readiness can be inconsistent because units may exist on paper, fall under different ministries, answer to political patrons, or depend on external support for key enablers.
Separating legal status from operational control is important. Formal incorporation of a force does not automatically mean unified command, reliable accountability, or coherent national strategy.
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