Cambodia
🇰🇭Kingdom of Cambodia
Cambodia defense profile covering Khmer Rouge legacy, Mekong geography, Thailand and Vietnam borders, Chinese security ties, Ream Naval Base, and source limits.
| Demographics | |
| Population, Total | 17.64M persons (2024) |
| Population Growth Rate | 1.23% (2024) |
| Urban Population Ratio | 40.87% (2024) |
| Working Age Population | 64.04% (2024) |
| Literacy Rate | 71.93% (2021) |
| Tertiary Education Enrollment Rate | 21.44% (2024) |
| Life Expectancy | 70.67 years (2023) |
| Defense | |
| Military Expenditure | 720.54M current US$ (2024) |
| Military Expenditure Ratio | 1.52 % of GDP (2024) |
| Military | |
| Military Branches | Royal Cambodian Armed Forces (RCAF): Royal Cambodian Army, Royal Khmer Navy, Royal Cambodian Air Force, Royal Gendarmerie (Military Police); National Committee for Maritime Security (2025) text (2025) |
| Military Service Age | 18 years (2025) |
| Active Military Personnel | information varies; estimated 200,000 Armed Forces, including Gendarmerie (2025) count (2025) |
| Military Equipment Overview | the RCAF is armed largely with older Chinese and Russian/Soviet origin armaments; in recent years it has received limited amounts of more modern equipment from several suppliers, particularly China (2025) text (2025) |
| Conscription System | 18 text (2025) |
| Economy | |
| GDP (Nominal) | 46.35B current US$ (2024) |
| GDP (PPP) | 140.53B current international $ (2024) |
| GDP Per Capita | 2,627.88 current US$ (2024) |
| GDP Growth Rate | 5.98% (2024) |
| Inflation Rate | 0.81% (2024) |
| Government Debt Ratio | 50.34 % of GDP (2023) |
| Foreign Reserves | 22.51B current US$ (2024) |
| Trade Balance | -333.67M current US$ (2024) |
| Industry | |
| Manufacturing Value Added | 12.89B current US$ (2024) |
| Industry GDP Ratio | 41.75 % of GDP (2024) |
| Manufacturing GDP Ratio | 27.81 % of GDP (2024) |
| Natural Resources | oil and gas, timber, gemstones, iron ore, manganese, phosphates, hydropower potential, arable land text |
| Coal Production | 27,000 metric tons (2023) |
| Technology | |
| High-Tech Exports | 1.10B current US$ (2024) |
| Internet Penetration | 60.72% (2023) |
| Infrastructure | |
| Air Transport Passengers | 675,283 passengers (2023) |
| Electricity Access | 95.00% (2023) |
| Logistics Performance Index | 2.4 index 1-5 (2022) |
| Total Area | 181,035 km² |
| Land Area | 176,515 km² |
| Water Area | 4,520 km² |
| Land Boundaries | 2,530 km |
| Coastline | 443 km |
| Railway Length | 642 km (2014) |
| Irrigated Land | 3,540 km² (2012) |
| Merchant Marine | 195 count (2023) |
| Electricity Capacity | 3.67 kW (2023) |
| Electricity - Fossil Fuel | 55.50% (2023) |
| Electricity - Hydroelectric | 38.60% (2023) |
| Electricity - Solar | 5.80% (2023) |
| Electricity Consumption | 17 kWh (2023) |
| Other Statistics | |
| Terrain | mostly low, flat plains; mountains in southwest and north text |
| Climate | tropical; rainy, monsoon season (May to November); dry season (December to April); little seasonal temperature variation text |
| Natural Hazards | monsoonal rains (June to November); flooding; occasional droughts text |
| Government Type | parliamentary constitutional monarchy text |
| Capital | Phnom Penh text |
| Legal System | civil law system (influenced by the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia), customary law, Communist legal theory, and common law text |
| Administrative Divisions | 24 text |
| Internet Country Code | .kh text |
Cambodia's security environment is shaped by Mekong geography, land borders with Thailand, Laos, and Vietnam, and access to the Gulf of Thailand.
Cambodia sits in mainland Southeast Asia between Thailand, Laos, and Vietnam, with access to the Gulf of Thailand. The Mekong basin shapes food security, transport, energy, flooding, and regional diplomacy.
This geography gives Cambodia strategic relevance beyond its military size. Border management, river governance, ports, coastal access, and great-power competition all affect its security choices.
Cambodia's security context is linked to the Khmer Rouge legacy, the Vietnamese intervention, Thai-Cambodian border clashes, ASEAN membership, and relations with China and Vietnam, as well as Mekong security dynamics.
Cambodia's modern state and military institutions were shaped by genocide, civil war, Vietnamese intervention, and postwar peacebuilding.
The Khmer Rouge era and subsequent conflicts remain central to Cambodia's security history. Genocide, mass displacement, Vietnamese intervention, and years of insurgency affected institutions, civil society, and political authority.
Postwar Cambodia rebuilt under international peace processes, but power consolidated around the ruling party and security institutions. The armed forces and police are therefore connected to regime stability as well as national defense.
A high-value Cambodia page should treat the Khmer Rouge legacy as a living institutional and social context, not just a historical episode.
Cambodia's armed forces are modest in regional terms and closely tied to internal stability, border security, and political control.
Cambodia's armed forces are not built for large expeditionary operations. Their practical priorities include border security, coastal security, internal stability, disaster response, and support to the ruling political order.
The military's effectiveness is difficult to assess through equipment lists alone. Patronage, political loyalty, training quality, logistics, and external assistance all matter.
Cambodia's defense posture is best understood as a small-state security system where internal regime protection and external alignment are closely linked.
Cambodia's close relationship with China and concern over Ream Naval Base place it inside wider Indo-Pacific competition.
Cambodia has developed close political, economic, and security ties with China. External observers have paid particular attention to Ream Naval Base and the possibility that Chinese access could alter regional maritime calculations.
Cambodia also operates inside ASEAN, where consensus diplomacy often intersects with South China Sea disputes, Mekong development, and relations with Vietnam and Thailand. Phnom Penh's alignment choices can therefore affect regional diplomacy even if its own military is limited.
A strong Cambodia profile should connect domestic politics, Chinese influence, coastal infrastructure, and ASEAN constraints.
Cambodia analysis should distinguish verified geography and historical legacy from harder-to-confirm claims about foreign basing and internal military politics.
Open sources can describe Cambodia's history, geography, and diplomatic relationships, but military access arrangements, elite networks, and readiness are less transparent. Claims about foreign basing should be handled carefully and tied to identifiable sources.
The strongest assessment is that Cambodia's security value lies in its location, political alignment, and history. It is a small military actor, but it sits at the intersection of Mekong governance, ASEAN diplomacy, Chinese influence, and unresolved memories of mass violence.
Cambodia's security environment depends on river governance, seasonal flooding, and the stability of the Mekong system.
The Mekong is not just a development issue for Cambodia. It affects transport, food security, flood risk, fishing, and state presence in the countryside. Seasonal water stress can quickly become a governance and security problem.
Viewing Cambodia as a river-state, alongside its identity as a border-state, is crucial for understanding why infrastructure and water governance are so central to its security environment.
Cambodia's defense profile is shaped by China ties, ASEAN politics, and the need to balance sovereignty with external support.
Cambodia matters because its military posture reflects strategic dependence as much as force structure. Political alignment with China, regional river governance, and ASEAN diplomacy all shape what its security institutions can do.
Small states can matter through alignment and geography, producing a more comprehensive assessment than a simple list of military forces.
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